Friday, July 24, 2015

Response/Comment to a thread on the ELCA Facebook Group regarding a Post by Frank Reichert about Pr. Mark Surburg's Blog Post

The following is a rather long response/comment within a thread on Facebook within the closed ELCA discussion group.  For those encountering this on my blog, you may be able to get enough context clues, and using the endnotes read some of the context for yourself.  That said, while “closed” by Facebook lexicon, the group is essentially anyone that wants to talk about the ELCA, Lutheranism, and so forth.  Many non-Lutherans are on, as well as many clergy, lay people and workers from the ELCA and other Lutheran churches.

A long thread already, I know, but I want to get back to several points made in the blog post and by Frank Reichert as this conversation has developed.

First the Mark Surburg Blog Post:

Pr. Mark Surburg, begins his exegesis the wrong way.[i]  He states “[t]he first three chapters of Genesis lay the foundation for understanding everything that follows in the Bible.”[ii]  While I concur fully that the Pentateuch provides for us key context for the salvation history that is about to be laid before us in Holy Scripture, the foundation, the cornerstone, is Christ.  We as Christians must and have to look at the scriptures through the lens of the cross and Christ.  Pr. Dr. Carl Braaten, an esteemed theologian in his own right, offers in “Principles of Lutheran Theology” that “Luther’s decisive break with medieval theology rests on this massive simplification of the manifold character of scripture:  the heart of Scripture is the promise of the gospel that is brought to expression in the Christ event.  Its authority is not of a juridical kind; it is not a book of legal doctrines, inerrant reports, or devotional material.  The Scriptures convey the life giving word of salvation in Christ to those who accept it through faith alone.”[iii]  It is from Christ and through Christ and his sacrifice on the cross that we, as people in his death and resurrection, need to look at the entirety of scripture.  “Christ is our cornerstone”, the famous hymn proclaims, but not Surburg in this post.

Pr. Mark then rightly speaks about the union that is found in Adam and Eve, the initial, if not penultimate, example of marriage (that being between Christ and his Church; us the people of God) concluding with the most famous of the provisions, found in Genesis 2:24 (“For this reason a man will leave his father and mother and be united to his wife, and they will become one flesh.”[iv]).  He then goes on to cite provisions of the holiness code found in Leviticus and aides in our biblical understanding of the situation Lot had before the gates of Sodom.  He offers, “More importantly for our topic, we know that when Jews around the time of Jesus talked about the events at Sodom, they focused on homosexuality as being the main issue.”[v]  He uses this foil, then, to offer[vi] much context on Jewish commentary of Christ’s time.  He cites extensively from Josephus, who provides much commentary on the derision of the Gentiles and the history of homosexuality from a Judeo-Greco perspective.  Pr. Mark then turns to Philo (interestingly, now, using Hellenistic justification, instead of Judaic) to show that not only had the Jews turn against, and held against homosexuality, but so had the Greeks.  All of this is well and good, but it misses Christ, until, that is, he comes to Christ speaking about divorce, to whit he cites Matthew 19:3-6, using that as his concluding proof that man and woman are the only union justified by Jesus.

I am not here to defend definitions of marriage, per se, but I am here to refute the sentiment that Pr. Surburg has “debunk[ed] yet another myth”[vii] that “[b]ecause Jesus didn’t condemn homosexuality, the conclusion is drawn that it therefore must have been acceptable to him.”  Frank Reichert cites Pr. Mark, to this end:  “The argument is made that homosexuality and same sex marriage are morally acceptable because Jesus didn't say they are wrong.  However a knowledge of the Old Testament and Second Temple Judaism quickly demonstrates how absurd this argument is.”[viii]  If the defense of ostracizing LGBTQ is held on the grounds of the knowledge and the validity of the “Old Testament and Second Temple Judaism” (which, even if the quote by Frank is not attributable to Pr. Mark, is the center of Mark’s thesis), then I have good, Gospel, news, for “[t]he curtain of the temple was torn in two from top to bottom.”[ix]  Such a thesis is more than worn bare by the death and resurrection of Christ.  Here is the striking fact of the cross:  it stabs deep into the heart of the Judaic holiness code and justifies the unholy.  It does confront the woman at the well, but instead of condemning, shunning and ostracizing, calls her to witness and sin no more.[x]  The cross spats at the scholar of the law and holds up the Samaritan as the true witness of salvation.[xi]  Christ sees the adulterous woman and calls the Pharisees and Sadducees to “cast the first stone” if they are blameless.[xii]  He even is anointed by a “sinful woman” on his way to the Cross as witness that it is not within human eyes to judge the merits of salvation.[xiii]  All of these are to say that we cannot fully know the mind of Christ, God, and the Holy Spirit as we only have what is recorded in Scripture.  Assuredly, however, the witness of the Christian Testament is not limited to how Jews, Hellenes and how like-minded philosophers of the day felt about the Old Testament of Moses and the Hebraic witness.[xiv]  Rather our call as Christians is to how Christ, and those that saw, knew, and felt him, acted and professed.  These said, that in Christ we are “all are sons of God through faith in Christ Jesus for all of who are baptized into Christ have clothed yourselves with Christ.  There are neither Jew nor Geek, slave nor free, male nor female, for you are all one in Christ Jesus.”[xv]  It may have taken the Council of Jerusalem to fully endorse this, but it was clearly the will of the Spirit that spoke to them in this regard.  Let us therefore, acknowledge that Pr. Surburg has not proven his case here.

Second to Frank:

You offer:  “It wasn't my purpose to toss a grenade into the room. I am surprised that some here might agree with you, that I did that.  I posted it for discussion purposes only on an issue that is still ongoing and active here, and nothing I did was intended otherwise.  smile emoticon”  Let me start with Luther’s explanation to the eight commandment.  “Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor. 
What does this mean?  Answer[:]  We should fear and love God that we may not deceitfully belie, betray, slander, or defame our neighbor, but defend him, [think and] speak well of him, and put the best construction on everything.” [xvi]  I take seriously this confession and admonition of Luther.  I believe that both you and Pastor Mark come from a place of bound conscious.  And as Luther cited at Worms, it is not healthy or sane for you to go against your conscious.  That said, Luther offered that if “scripture and plain reason” could convince him, he would no longer be so bound, but could form a conscious that understood, and even endorsed a different point of view than his current entrapped moral formation allowed.  To that end, I highly doubt that you did not seek a reaction from the statements that were made and your continued participation only cements that perception.

In your comments, for instance, you ask “Are you offended by sound Biblical scholarship?”  Such presumes your opponents do not take scripture seriously.  As I hope I have shown, just check the endnotes, I certainly do.  Yes, the witness of the Old Testament provides many strictures on behavior, but Christ and his witnesses, even Paul, made it clear it was not the “mark of circumcision” that made and makes us Holy, but our wearing Christ that made us Holy.[xvii]  So, no sir, I am not and cannot be offended by “sound Biblical scholarship.”  Rather, I feel redeemed, justified and fully supported by the witness of Christ, the living word, and the witness of Scripture as our partial glimpse into the mind of the Almighty.

Frank, you offer, “[h]owever, Holy Scripture doesn't reveal everything that Jesus spoke or did.  For example, it never discusses such things as Jesus going to the bathroom to "relieve himself" although scripture reveals He ate and drank.  He is fully man and fully God, so we assume he did the former.”[xviii]  Succinctly, I do not assume anything, but Christ crucified, resurrected, and redeemed.  Christ, for certain, did relieve himself, but the evangelists make it clear he did much, much, more.  One has to ask oneself in this inquiry, what did Christ focus on?  The temple rules?  The meritocracy of purity established by the Levitical and Hebraic codes?  No, rather, he focused on the soul, the heart and the salvation of all of human kind.  You’re correct in saying that not every part of Christ’s life was recorded or revealed to us in scripture (perhaps that is why one needs a rubric to understand and apply it?).  But this doesn’t mean that he didn’t express his core commandments to “Love God with all your heart and mind and soul, and to Love one another as I have loved you.”[xix]  At some point, just like with the two thieves at the cross, this means that the unworthy are justified.[xx]  It means that God is phenomenally unfair, he forgives everyone.[xxi]  And it means one has to assume what is unwritten in scripture is more about Gospel than about judgement.[xxii]

Frank you wrote that, “Pr. Surburg’s stellar scholarship from a Biblical and Confessional Lutheran perspective, and believe’ such voices deserve a seat at the table on various discussions in a pan-Lutheran setting.” [xxiii]  You go on to say, “I mentioned a pan-Lutheran discussion (table).  Pr. Surburg speaks to a much wider audience than LCMS obviously.  I've already gone far beyond what should be expected of me insofar as why I believe the ‘table’ should large enough as not to exclude Confessional Lutheran theologians.”[xxiv]  And finally you profess, “But Church doctrine and practice is obviously something that Confessional Lutheran members in the ELCA are not so happy with.  Unfortunately too, many who have already bailed out of the ELCA were coerced into doing so; and I know that first hand.”[xxv]

Let me offer unequivocally that I am 100% a confessional Lutheran.  As such I am more than willing to “keep the Mass”[xxvi] and decidedly biblical.  Thus I admonish you to be careful of the cape upon which you wrap yourself.[xxvii]  I say this because I am not too certain you can or should speak for “Confessional Lutherans” in so much as I am uncertain what Lutheran confession you are pointing to as the support of the positions outlined by Pastor Surburg.  Not once did he provide a reference to the Book of Concord or its contents.  Not once did he speak to or from a principle of Lutheran theology or perspective, other than to say that he is a LCMS minister and thus it is a Lutheran speaking/writing from his personal perspective/conscious.  If candidly evaluated for its theology, the whole line of his argument is fundamentalist Christianity and strongly “Pharisetic.”[xxviii]  Be that as it may, I concur with you that everyone that takes on the name Lutheran should be able to speak in Lutheran circles.  Such “pan-Lutheranism”, however, is never simply a matter of the American expression thereof.  Your use of the term “pan-Lutheran” is clearly used to indicate a spectrum of ELCA-LCMS-WELS-NALC-Lutheran Brotherhood-etc.  Pan-Lutheran, however, also needs to include the Church of Sweden, the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Namibia, etc., etc.  Do those voices not also need to be heard?  Are they at the table you describe?  Because, I am certain, and know this well, that the interpretations of scripture on the topic being discussed here varies across the complexity of the Lutheran witness the world round.  I am saddened that there has been exclusion to varied points of view and announcements of bigotry being made by those that support LGBTQ marriage.  But in that sadness I am cognoscente that people on all sides are holding true to their perspective and conscious on the matter, and am careful not to imbue on myself or them labels of being any more or less confessional or Lutheran in my/their own understanding.

Closing remark:

I began this post on Wednesday evening as the conversation spun up, and finished most of the above yesterday (23 July 2015) morning.  I was going to keep it as a private reflection, but given the continued level of activity in the thread, I felt it appropriate to share at this juncture.  To conclude, I want to offer that I am gravely concerned that in our church and in our public debates relating to religion and Christian morality, all sides are paramount guilty of eisegesis; a sin that I myself fall into from time to time.  I also know that how we communicate is far removed from how scripture was transmitted and even the way things were passed along in the 16th century.  The above refutation is less about “setting things straight” and more a warning that we need to be careful in our reproof and in our discussions within and without the church to not lose sight of the centrality of our faith, Christ, Christ Crucified, and Christ risen again.  Our Lutheran witness is that we are justified by faith, a faith given to us by God’s grace, which we are assured of thanks to the Living Word in Christ.  Whether it is this issue, or any other issue, we need to always return again to the cross and start there before we speak, think, and do.  The spirit of this thread was not premised on that, it was premised on a pre-conception of what was supposedly known as true.  The reality is that the truth is Christ[xxix], and we are wisely told that we can never fully understand God[xxx], so we need to start from a position of unknowing and learn, listen, and pray that we can hear the “still small voice”[xxxi] of our Lord’s instructions to us.




[i] And candidly, it seems that he may be treading more into eisegesis.
[ii] Surburg’s Blog, http://surburg.blogspot.com/2015/07/marks-thoughts-jesus-didnt-say.html
[iii] Braaten, Carl, “Principles of Lutheran Theology”, pp. 3
[iv] NIV
[v] Surburg’s Blog, http://surburg.blogspot.com/2015/07/marks-thoughts-jesus-didnt-say.html
[vi] Ironically, he doesn’t offer the same on Genesis and it relationship to Mid-East mythology and oral tradition
[vii] Frank Reichert, post on Facebook to the ELCA Group, 22 July 2015
[viii] Cited as a quotation by Pastor Mark Surburg by Frank Reichert, in post on Facebook to the ELCA Group, 22 July 2015; it is noted I cannot find this as a quote of Pr. Surburg in a fairly simple search of his blog or through Google.
[ix] Mark 15:38, NIV
[x] John 4:4-26
[xi] Luke 10:25-37
[xii] John 8:1-11
[xiii] Luke 7:36-50, also Mark 14:3-9, John 12:1-8, Matthew 18:23-34
[xiv] Saul, renamed Paul, knew this and knew that our justification is found in another place.  Namely, he offers in Galatians that “All who rely on observing the law are under a curse, …”  Gal 3:10, NIV
[xv] Galatians 3:26-28, NIV
[xvi] Luther’s Small Catechism, http://bookofconcord.org/smallcatechism.php#tencommandments
[xvii] 1 Corinthians 7:19
[xviii] Frank Reichert, post on Facebook to the ELCA Group, 22 July 2015
[xix] Mark 12:30-31
[xx] Cf. Luke.
[xxi] Cf. John 3:17
[xxii] Cf. Romans 15:4 and The Formula of Concord, Solid Declaration, Article XI:  Election, “However, any interpretation of Scripture that weakens or removes our hope and encouragement is certainly contrary to the will and intent of the Holy Spirit.”
[xxiii] Frank Reichert, post on Facebook to the ELCA Group, 22 July 2015
[xxiv] Ibid
[xxv] Ibid
[xxvi] Cf. Augsburg Confession
[xxvii] After all, us Confessional Lutherans have quite a bit of explaining to do on the Holocaust and the failure to challenge the Nazi regime; thankfully we have a superior witness such as Dietrich Bonhoeffer (and his “Confessing Church”) to point to in reply.
[xxviii] One has to be aware that what is thought of as “Lutheran” being uttered by a person who claims membership in the church, may or may not be in keeping with scripture, church doctrine, Lutheran theology, and/or our confessions.  American Lutherans forget how much “public Christianity” has affected our viewpoints and thoughts about what our teachings are.  Likewise, given the general cross-pollination within Protestant churches in America coupled with a general lack of adult catechesis, there are certain to be some decidedly non-Lutheran doctrines and practices at play in any congregational setting and even by the Pastor.  I can’t help but think that is very much at play in these discussions and in the post by Pastor Surburg.
[xxix] “I am the way, the truth, and the life” John 14:6
[xxx] 1 Corinthians 2:16
[xxxi] 1 Kings 19:11-18

Tuesday, July 14, 2015

The Value of Collegiate Education

The Value of Collegiate Education


This will probably be a fairly short post, and is mainly set as a thought piece for further discussion later.  The thrust of this piece is found in the question, what is the value of a collegiate/university education?  And my thesis[i] is that it is a garnering of life skills that are only reflected partially (albeit centrally) in the credit hours obtained in the classroom.

Given the rising costs of higher education, rising at rates well above inflation/GDP growth, one has to ask what is driving this?  I have had friends say that the work done by the US federal government to make the cost of borrowing for college cheaper/easier has driven an easy money panacea that has enabled this growth of cost[ii].  I have had others comment on the ballooning of administrative staff that have little if any contact with the classroom as driving overhead to unprecedented levels[iii].  Several journals have blamed the demands of the Higher Ed student today for ever more costly recreation programs and facilities, wow factor dining spaces and offerings, and a portfolio of near opulent residential offerings[iv].  Retorts have included defenses as the need to have market  attractiveness in a competitive collegiate atmosphere, burdensome legislative mandates, rising cost of faculty salaries, increased facility construction/maintenance  as well as information technology costs, and a host of other factors.  Today, even, was an article that cited the growth of “experiential learning” (while not mentioned therein, there is a significant cost attached)[v].  Other evidence points to the cost of research, vice the support of it given declining grant funding sources in federal and state public entities[vi].  Some have simply said or implied that colleges are cabals that hide under their non-profit designations to obtain and hold onto massive amounts of endowed dollars that spin off profit making ventures and become self-serving to the detriment of the student/attendee, especially in regards to their financial future[vii].  As is typical in most things in life, there are kernels of truth in all of these criticisms and defenses, but none hold the full story, and none get back to understanding what is so valuable about a collegiate education.

To that point, what do I think is the value?  As discussed in a locker room a few years back, my thesis is that the value of the traditional, residential, collegiate experience, is that colleges/universities are the one place, at least in theory, that you execute a set of studies, while simultaneously engage in a place that is unfamiliar and has people from many walks of life that you would not otherwise encounter, forcing you to defend, grapple with, and revise your own understandings as well as learn how to learn, with others and on your own[viii].  While the effort to take classes and study a specific academic subject area is the glide-path/centering aspect, it is the life learning skills that are gained not only in the classroom, but also on campus and in the community around it that make college/university the cauldron of success that it has proven to be over millennia[ix].  Thus, I contend that an online degree or a part-time collegiate effort is fundamentally a different animal than the traditional course, one that indeed gets the centering 60% or so of the experience and value, but leaves some critical aspects out.

The challenge is measuring this.  Heretofore, many analyses have focused on such measures as life time earnings in comparison to the cost of collegiate education and its financing[x].  They have made comparisons to those with degrees and those without degrees in terms of unemployment[xi].  I even put some thoughts down in regards to how one puts numbers and makes an analysis of the pursuit of higher education in a post last year.  Our default mechanism continues to be in monetary or actuarial terms, and that is perhaps the core problem.  Humans not only are driven by economics (albeit it is a highly significant driver), we are also driven by emotional, physical, and mental fulfillment.  And these factors don’t fit easily into dollars and cents or percentages and raw numbers.  Putting such deterministic language around your ability to relate to people and appreciate the innate beauty of a piece of art, or a thread of thought, or even the diversity of another person, is often fool hearty and at least disingenuous to the full value of what it is we have experienced, or learned, or come to know.  While I admit to being a pragmatist at heart, I also know that a purely pragmatic approach to almost any problem is often found wanting.  We wouldn’t have smartphones, or airplanes, or improved health outcomes, if we didn’t also dream big, debate forcefully, and passionately engage our world.  Such is the value of education, in the end.  It is certainly about the GPA and the credit hours taken, but its full valuation is also in the friendships made, hard knocks taken, social and emotional soup negotiation, and the leadership/rigor that you are able to exhibit.




[i] It is noted that I have now been working in higher education in a full-time capacity since 2006; in both administrative and faculty roles.  For more information on my background, see my resume/CV:  http://adweb.clarkson.edu/~ebackus/Resume.pdf
[ii] James Stewart, a fraternity brother of Omega Lambda Tau, has been at the forefront of this, often citing news reports, and other more libertarian/Austrian School economic analyses
[iii] George Will not too long ago was blaming sustainability efforts at colleges/universities as the latest example of this.  He has also commented, similarly, in the past, about diversity, inclusion, and other programs.
[iv] I am not going to cite specifics, but this is fairly easy to Google.
[v] http://www.washingtonpost.com/news/grade-point/wp/2015/07/08/looking-for-a-college-with-lots-of-opportunities-the-schools-location-really-does-matter/
[vi] Documented in several journals and publications, especially when compared, in real dollars, to the 1960s.
[vii] While a bit more callous than his thesis, Brian Farenell, another fraternity brother of Omega Lambda Tau, has been highly critical along these lines of thinking.  I will caveat here that for-profit colleges are, in my quarter, living up to this characterization.  That said, I cannot subscribe to this thinking in the general sense.
[viii] A caveat here is that, as one looks at the tapestry of collegiate offerings in the US today, one can note that this depiction is waning in some quarters.  For instance your chance of finding a liberal leaning political scientist at Liberty University (http://www.liberty.edu/) or a pro-choice advocate at Ave Maria University (https://www.avemaria.edu/) is highly unlikely.  Similarly, finding a critic of feminism at Skidmore College (http://www.skidmore.edu/) or a critic of climate change science at Oberlin College (https://home.oberlin.edu/) will be a difficult chore.  Thus, this is a depiction of what the mainstream in collegiate educational environments are, not the totality of them.  There is indeed concern that the “free flow of ideas” in American colleges and Universities is threated by political/religious indoctrination or enforcement (whether implicit or explicit) through speech codes, doctrinal statements, and legal/financial obligations.  This is not new, so much as it is newly pronounced, and has become increasingly challenging to abate systematically.
[ix] Note that the first University, properly understood, was in Timbuktu, at least several hundred years BC; never minding the Academies of Ancient Greece, the Universities of the Golden Age of the Middle East, and the Medieval institutions in Europe brought forth as a part of the pre-enlightenment and enlightenment efforts. 
[x] Money magazine, for instance, uses this as part of its rankings
[xi] Angel Cabrera, President of George Mason University, made this very comparison this morning:  http://president.gmu.edu/2015/07/over-qualification-a-dangerous-term

Monday, July 6, 2015

Fowl and Foreign Policy in the United States

Fowl and Foreign Policy in the United States


Introduction


Over the last several months I have been rather tied up in a personal life transition, but this does not mean, for one moment, that I have been absent in my observation or thinking in regards to another corner of the globe and a former romping ground of mine in Iraq.  As I articulated in a past post (http://backusec.blogspot.com/2014/06/losing-iraq.html) there was much yet to be seen in the saga that was the emergence of ISIS (of media parlance, or ISIL, of official parlance, or “The Islamic State”, of whom they wish to be called).  I too have been attuned to our response, lack there-of or limited as it is, and that of the voices both here in CONUS as well as overseas and among our allies, fren-emies, and enemies.  And what has finally gotten me to the point of scripting a post, was the Facebook yelling I saw between a friend of mine and that of another associate of a common acquaintance he had on this very topic; which devolved to bird calling.  Birds?  What does that have to do with ISIS and Iraq, and Syria, and foreign affairs?  I’ll get to that.  Let me first posit that the last century has changed the way we look at foreign affairs irrevocably.

A Brief Review of US Foreign Policy History


I listened, in early February, to Bruce Carlson’s superb podcast on Washington and his birthday (https://myhistorycanbeatupyourpolitics.wordpress.com/2015/02/12/why-washington-deserves-his-own-day-2013/[i]).  In that broadcast he hints at the impact of the Farewell Address that Washington gave[ii] as he left the presidency (he didn’t leave the white house mind you) lasting for over a century.  His assertion of American neutrality and that we avoid “entanglements” with the European powers of the day.  He asks “Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice?[iii]”  And in so doing he steers our first 100 years of being towards a clear policy that we would “[take] care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.[iv]”  But today, the US is not merely entangled, it is often the entangler of others, into longstanding alliances, treaties, and obligations, not the least of which is NATO, the UN, and the Geneva and Hague Conventions/Law of the Sea.  If anything, we have turned Washington’s policy, and that of the predominance of the 19th century, on its head in the 20th century.  One cannot point to a flip-of-the-switch moment, but there is a clear inflection point that happened in the late 1800s that is historical and pertinent today.  Our emerging nation spent the first 100 years establishing itself amongst world powers, and in the second 100, became one of, if not “the”, world power.  The US spent the first century constantly afraid that a colonial power would try to re-engulf the fledgling country into its sphere of influence, if not its empire outright.  While in the second case, the US emerged as an imperial stakeholder acquiring its own overseas possessions and often has to now fend off accusations of its own desire to “take over” other nation states.  No longer were we ostriches sticking our heads in the sand defended behind the distance of seas and communication gaps, but instead eagles flying high over nearly every international engagement the world round and invasively infusing our culture through our globalized network of connectedness.

To say the US is not, by the late-middle of the 20th century in a very different place than Washington’s vision is fantastically ignorant.  But, likewise, it is even more ignorant to not understand why the policy ended up that way.  America has not, even from Washington’s day, been without the need for allies and alliances, and, as with all things in history, they add up.  Initially we relied on the French as a counterweight to the British, and then we fended off the British, French, and Spanish along with the Barbary States through diplomatic and naval gamesmanship, until such time as our trade became thwarted and we succumbed to a check action during the Napoleonic period.  And even in the aftermath of the War of 1812[v], we worked more to play the European powers off against themselves than we tried to avoid them.  We saw to it in the Monroe Doctrine that we would “close” the hemisphere “to European colonization” and further enforced that doctrine through a number of actions (including the Mexican-American War) to hedge against a land-based invasion among other priorities.  And as the American Civil War heated up, it was critical to the US government that Great Britain, among others, remain on the sideline and not become a treaty party with the Confederate States or other elements on our doorstep.  All of these necessitated treaties, and alliances, and commitments, that simply continued to add, along with trade pacts, to the growth of the need for America to eventually take a differing stand in its international relationships from that which Washington envisioned.

And all the while, something else was happening, technology and progress in industry was making the ocean barrier more and more narrow.  All history buffs of the 1812 conflict know that the Battle of New Orleans (the US’s most significant land based battle win) was fought after the Treaty of Ghent was signed in 1815[vi].  The reason for this is that in the late 18th and early 19th centuries the flow of communication depended highly upon wind-born sailing ships on the seas and drawn or flotsam craft by river.  Thus weeks could pass between the sending of a message and the reply.  By the break-out of the Civil War, with the invention and widespread use of the telegraph and locomotive on land and steamships on the rivers, this had been halved if not further shortened to mere days.  And by the end of the 19th century, the Great Columbian exhibition in Chicago was demonstrating such wonders as the wireless radio, electric lighting, and refrigeration and tales of the battleships that were now roaming the seas and there was a village of these new peoples, conquered by the recent war with Spain called “Filipinos”.  Simply put the oceans were becoming less a barrier and more an all-important byway for the US, its citizens, and its interests.

So when we fast forward to the sequence that led to our involvement in the Great War (aka WW I) and then WW II, both our string of localized treaties and alliances coupled with technology and industry hit an abrupt about face.  The US didn’t go quietly into this new position, mind you, as Wilson had to promise never to allow us to get entangled in the then multiyear European based worldwide conflict, in order to get re-elected and he could never get that League of Nations through the Senate.  While true, this didn’t change the fact that the “facts on the ground” had changed from “Our detached and distant situation …[vii]” that Washington bespoke of in his farewell.  And it became clear, as we first succumb to a worldwide economic depression, and then worldwide total war, that our policy could no longer be in the guise of isolationist ostriches, but had to be a new bird altogether.

The Post WWII Foreign Policy Consensus


Having been draw into two devastating world conflicts, the US defense and foreign affairs community quickly gravitated around the optimism that America was and would remain a force for securing international peace for years to come.  Helped by the emerging ideological and cultural conflicts with the communist world, core principles of what America saw as its mantle of leadership, emerged and remained essentially unmovable up through the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989.  These principles, I believe were:
  • Our best defense is to fight and defeat the enemy “over there” and thereby avoid the utter destruction of total war to the homeland[viii]
  • Appeasement of “evil” forces does not work, rather it encourages them; showing strength is the best way to ensure peace in the face of such forces in the world (the lesson of Munich[ix])
  • Building and integrating allies into commercial and cultural exchanges and ensuring the freedom of the seas is paramount to the power of the economic and political future of the United States[x]
  • Maintaining a strong military and having its posture such that it can strike and mitigate threats before they are able to sufficiently challenge our position, secures both the homeland and our interests in the world[xi]
  • The US can employ diplomacy, information, military and economic forces (DIME theory[xii]) to bend the will of other powers and contain those hostile to our interests
  • Democracy, rule of law, and capitalism are unstoppable forces that uplift human kind and the American model of liberal constitutionalism ought to be spread throughout the world as an innate good; to this end we will engage the world to uplift “them” using our might for the betterment of ourselves and all others.
These principles of our foreign policy still resonate to this day.  Echoes of it, for instance, are almost quoted verbatim in the discussions of the ongoing crisis with ISIS in the Middle East.  For instance in January, Fareed Zakaria, wrote a bit about this in an opinion piece[xiii], and questioned Senator John McCain’s call for intervention in the conflict this way, “This theory was sometimes described during the Iraq war as ‘we fight them there so we don’t have to fight them here.’ It was wrong then, and it’s wrong now.”[xiv]  I normally am one that is highly complementary of Mr. Zakaria and his analysis.  In this particular article, however, I find myself in some level of disagreement because he is partially right when he offers that “[t]o argue that the only way to stop terrorism at home is for the United States to intervene militarily and stabilize the many parts of the Middle East that are in conflict is to commit Washington to a fool’s errand for decades.”[xv]  But then, Senator McCain is partially right especially when he observes “…now we see Libya descending into chaos because once they [the Obama administration] got rid of Gadhafi we washed our hands of it.  The moral of the story is leading from behind doesn't work.”[xvi]  Even so, both seem to have flown the coop in regards to the bigger picture of how we ought to conduct foreign policy.

Back to the Bird Calling Discussion


So let’s return to the nest in this discussion and the throwing of fowl words in a Facebook exchange.  What got my friend and his associate into the bird calling game was that we have several dynamics and attitudes that have emerged in the last decade as it relates to the use of force in the pursuit of US foreign policy.  There is a challenge now to clearly place policies in our political discourse into clearly pacifist or clearly pro-martial buckets.  During McCain’s service days it was easy, those that were for involvement in the War in Vietnam, for instance were “hawks”[xvii] while those that were against were “doves”[xviii]  Now it’s a bit more nuanced.  Senator McCain, for instance is widely known for his desire to use military force early and often, but is also widely known for his unequivocal position that torture should never be allowed.  And there are also now other fowl that are in the picture that include ostriches[xix], chicken-hawks[xx], turkeys[xxi], and owls[xxii].  In the discussion that I observed, the two favorite bird calls were to rail against the “ostriches” and the “chicken-hawks” (ostriches, stereotypically “with their head in the sand” often symbolize isolationist policies, and chicken-hawks often symbolize those with hawkish policy approaches that either lack the personal experience in war to speak as such, or are those that are unwilling to accept and support paying for the fullness of the consequences of military action).  What was missed was that we lack a unifying policy at all, lending it to having way too many birds in the aviary to enable a best way forward.  What we need is an “eagle”, we can all follow and be assured of success with.

The “Eagle” Policy and the post WWII Consensus


I offer, in a separate post (http://backusec.blogspot.com/2015/05/we-together-theory-strategy-and.html), a fairly comprehensive vision of such a possible strategy; one that I think is that eagle.  What I think I need to do is help compare that with our core post-WWII tenants and the various other birds we could consider adopting as a strategy.  On the whole, the proposed strategy holds to most of the core principles cited above as the post-WWII/Cold War consensus policy, with a few exceptions.  First, it does not presume that we know and can impose our form of democracy and rule of law in other cultural contexts or nations.  It, further, does not support an absolute recognition and defense of existing nation-state boundaries or constructs.  Thus if you look at that bulleted list above, my proposed “eagle” approach to foreign policy is not going to engage military force as a medium to “make nations” so much as to “enable nation making” of their own variations and volitions amongst native peoples.  Secondly, this proposed policy, does not presume that the US has to or should “go it alone” in regards to how it engages in military action.  While the policy does bespeak a strong military component, it does so in the guise of collective action first and foremost, and full ownership, for a long term engagement (that allows the indigenous growth needed to gain stability) if we do opt to take on the burden ourselves.  What this policy suggests is that we have George HW Bush’s “Gulf War Coalition”[xxiii] over and against a George W Bush type “Coalition of the Willing”.  By doing so, we can bring to bear long term success and mitigate against loosing international credence in our objectives.  The last difference, is in our selectiveness.  In the post-WWII world the Truman Doctrine[xxiv] pushed us to an “all-in” approach to fighting for and defending all around the world all the time[xxv].  As articulated in my post, we have to acknowledge that our use of military power, amongst the various expressions of national power, has to be “on-par” with the other elements.  The Cold War construct, for good reasons, weighted the military option much more heavily than the other three components.  Going forward, there needs to be a much more strident attempt to balance those aspects, so that none become too skewed across the world of engagements the US must be a part of (that said what is proposed is not the Nixon doctrine entirely, as we may engage with non-allies in our efforts).  Save these exceptions, then, we still fit more into the tenants of a globalized US engagement construct, using this policy theory, than Washington’s dis-engagement policy of the 19th Century.

And How About the Other Birds?


But how about the other birds?  Well, notably, what I believe necessary, is in direct contradiction with the ostriches.  The libertarian neo-isolationist view would very much harken back to Washington’s farewell, but it would essentially equate to a handing over the world and suffer the consequences approach.  Looking to that counter-factual future, I am unsure we want to cede to the BRICS[xxvi] control of the economic and political world we will have to live in.  While I do posit we need to find out own version of the “special relationship” like the one the UK established with us as it began its decline from Empire, putting our heads in the sand precipitously is rife for creating a world that we will regret acceding to.  Likewise, however, this is a direct affront to the “chicken-hawks”.  The proposed plan is not a “strike fast, strike hard”, and “evacuate as soon as possible”, strategy.  Unlike neo-conservative interventionism, it isn’t exclusively or even near-exclusively military enabled.  Rather it accepts and requires a whole of government approach and one that acknowledges that killing ISIS may have much more to do with killing its funding stream than its people.  The other thing this strategy does is embrace rather than flee from nation-building, even if it re-envisions our involvement there-in (e.g. less us building and more them building for themselves).  Thus, this strategy is anything but a chicken in hawk attire; it has much more depth and staying power than that.  This strategy also comes into conflict with the turkeys, as it recognizes there are limits to US power and we ought not to show where our proverbial wall is lightly manned.  There is a realization that we also cannot solve every conflict between various peoples and places; the Arab-Israeli conflict is probably a case in point.  To that end this isn’t a policy that will aimlessly try to “do-it-all” and thus end up being a thanksgiving meal rather than working theory of foreign relations.  Similarly, this isn’t an owlish policy either.  Unlike the realpolitik of the Nixon administration, or even Bismarck’s, this isn’t a purely Machiavellian mechanism absent a level of ethical and moral direction.  Rather it has a clear aim to aid people in the world to bridge where they are to where the globalized world is at today or in the future.  Certainly the proposed “eagle” policy does put more pragmatic terms on our attempts to shape events and places, but we are doing so with a clear long term goals of removing oppression and helping people to a path of liberty.  Thus we will not stand on the shoulder, turning our head from side to side, of an authoritarian dictator for long, especially if they are not working to liberate and develop a place that uplifts its people.

The Eagle Policy and ISIS


So, with all this, is this a hawkish or a dovish policy?  I think the answer is both/and.  The goal is to enable a policy that meets our long term aims of a stable, globalized, and liberalized (in the sense of liberated) world order that enables the US to compete, and compete well, economically, socially, and politically.  An eagle policy should do that, and must do that.  The other birds simply cannot meet the needs of the day or of the US long-term.  We don’t live in the age of Washington or even of Eisenhower; we have to understand that we live in an age that neither could have imagined.  So to take on the likes of the continuing problem of ISIS we have to shift and understand the newness and with it the policy that can support our efforts into the future.

An application of my proposed policy would be a more robust engagement in the wider Middle East to create the bulwark needed to engage in both the present day Syria and Iraq.  Long term, all of the states created in the post WWI Sykes-Picot world will need to be decidedly balkanized and reformulated.  Great concerns exist of the rise of a new “Persia” on the part of the Hejaz/Bedouin Saudi Arabia, but likewise, we need to recognize that the current Iraqi and Syrian states cannot provide a stable situation long term.  Our best bet is to engage closely with the Hashemite Kingdom (aka Jordan), Turkey, and the Gulf Principalities to develop a strong engagement strategy that reformulates Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon, into component parts and states that can stand on their own.  Working with the Saudis and the Iranians, an encirclement and prevention of inbound support to ISIS, Bahir al-Assad’s regime, and other emerging threats is a must.  We must understand that while the power sharing opportunity we gave Iraq didn’t occur, we didn’t fail.  The Government of Iraq is functioning at a low level, but can still stand as a representative body for the Shia dominated south, and the Baghdadi urban core.  Likewise the autonomy given to the Kurds has enabled stability and a security in that region and not as a destabilizing element in Turkey/Anatolia.  While in hindsight perhaps sagely, a “soft partition” as proposed by Joe Biden in the mid-2000s may need to take place, but larger than that, may have to occur in Syria as well, in order to properly develop the political stability required[xxvii].  The likelihood is that a series of deployments around the “ISIS zone” will need to take place, involving US ground troops for sure, but more importantly and numerously Saudi, Jordanian, Turkish, as well as Kurdish and Shia Arab Iraqi.  Rather than a pure assault oriented approach against ISIS, the goal should be to control and contain ISIS and Assad’s forces, which will be in a pitch, for some time, against each other.  This containment would need to also be financial and diplomatic which will necessitate Russian support as well.  This will require an approach that will likely include concessions about the orientation of the gradual break-up of the present Syrian state, especially as it relates to the Mediterranean coast.  That said, once the encirclement is in place and the two (or more) parties within it are weakened, the approach can be much like a noose tightening, with the relinquished areas, not re-integrated into Iraq or a Syrian state, so much as into a loose confederation of Arab republics/states that eventually form into several countries based along ethnic, geographic, and cultural boundaries rather than present borders.  The Saudi’s and the Iranians, with the US as a third partner, would need to broker a needed overall security balance, so as to ensure that none of the developed states would become proxies for either Shia Iran or Sunni Saudi Arabia for a continuance of the conflict.  The counter to these will need to be an encouraged Turkish state with allies in Jordan and the remaining Gulf States[xxviii], which would be called upon to aid in the garrison of security forces once the constituencies are established.  Over time, the security forces can retrograde as local policing in possible, and eventually a confederation army is stood up that provides defense against existential threats.

Conclusion


This hopefully puts into some context the way forward, at least within the working theory I have put forward for an US foreign policy.  There are still some finer points to be worked out, but this hopefully can help create the vision of how we proceed, and not be out of our nest or flying away from the coop.  So, to conclude, the next time you see bird-calling in a series of posts about foreign policy, remember that unless they are arguing as an eagle, they are simply being a dodo.[xxix]





[i] By the way, I cannot recommend this more-or-less weekly podcast enough; fantastic work on relating current events and American history
[iv] Ibid.
[v] or the Second Revolutionary War, or the Anglo-American Theatre within the sphere of the overall Napoleonic Wars, which ever parlance you might choose.
[vi] Signed on 24 December 1814, the Battle of New Orleans occurred 24 December 1814 to 8 January 1815.
[viii] In this we were greatly affected by the stories, images and devastation that was wrought upon Europe (especially) and Japan/China by the conflict in WWII.  The idea that main street America could end up looking like the smoked out hole that was made of the Avenue des Champs-Élysées in Paris or the Unter den Linden in Berlin.
[ix] Summary narrative here:  https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Munich_Agreement, but also check the source reference material for more information.
[x] e.g. the UN Charter, the NATO alliance, and so forth.
[xi] It is noted that the draft continued well into the 1970s, even though the US never was in a declared state of war since the end of WWII.
[xii] DIME:  Diplomatic, Information/Intelligence, Military, and Economic; more at http://defensestatecraft.blogspot.com/2010/04/dime.html
[xv] Ibid.
[xvi] Interview on CNN on January 13, 2015, retrieved from:  http://transcripts.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/1501/13/nday.05.html
[xvii] The hawk being a high flying bird of prey that seeks to attack, disable, and ravage its victim; symbolizing the pro-war stance and/or a desire for an active foreign policy that uses the military extensively.
[xviii] The dove, often seen as carrying an olive branch, the traditional symbol of peace, is famously remembered as the chosen bird to go out by Noah and see if the devastating flood in the biblical story had receded to the point that it was safe to re-enter the world.  Typically this symbolizes in such discussions a stance of an anti-war stance and/or a foreign policy mark by diplomacy and other means without engaging in military action.
[xix] libertarian neo-isolationists; some leading voices include Rand Paul and Ron Paul
[xx] neo-conservative interventionists; some leading voices include Bill Kristol, Richard Cheney, and Paul Wolfowitz
[xxi] liberal interventionist; some leading voices include Bill Clinton and Madeleine Albright
[xxii] Realpolitik; some leading voices include Henry Kissinger, Colin Powell, and Condoleezza Rice
[xxiii] All major world powers contributed to the ejection of Iraqi forces from Kuwait in 1990/1991, with a coalition of 34 countries inclusive of numerous Arab states and several financial backers (including Japan and China).  By contrast, France, Germany, Turkey, and several major powers were left off the list of 48 partners in the supporting cast for the invasion of Iraq in 2003.  Simply looking at the lists together shows, instead of having established partners, the 2003 coalition was one more of upstarts and “wanna-bes” (excepting some key players common to both actions).
[xxiv] “It must be the policy of the United States to support free people who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.”  March 12, 1947, Speech to a Joint Session of Congress, Harry S. Truman.
[xxv] Famously articulated by Kennedy in his inaugural address “Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.”
[xxvi] BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) is a common expression for the largest and most significant world powers that are emerging in the post-Cold War/ post US-hegemonic period.
[xxvii] I would posit here that one needs to look at the historic boundaries that existed within and before the Ottoman Empire as well as the geographic and cultural features of today.  For instance, looking at Syria, it is really composed of:  A region centered on and surrounding Damascus; a region centered on and surrounding Aleppo; a coastal region nominally with capitols at Latakia (Alawite) and Tartus which has more relation with Tripoli in Lebanon; an interior region streaming from Palmyra south of the Euphrates and a region that centers on Al Hasakah and more properly should be a part of a greater Kurdistan.  Similarly in Iraq, during the latter Ottoman period it ws diviede into three vilayets of Mosul (Kurdish), Baghdad (Sunni Arab), and Basrah (Shia Arab).  Interspersed was a vilayet of Zor Sanjak that bridged Anbar, and southern Syria as we have it today.  The precise boundaries of the new states that would emerge, is hard to reckon at this juncture, but these geographic and cultural notes are perhaps good guides as we look forward.
[xxviii] It is acknowledged that save some air assets, there is likely to be limited military support from the independent Gulf States.  However, this effort will require significant financial heft, and in the case of the UAE, there is aide that can be provided in developing a governing structure amongst and between rival factions so as to create a stable nation.
[xxix] Dodo, a now extinct species of bird.